![]() ![]() The term "privileges" was used to describe measures, such as relatively decent schools and medical care, to which whites received greater access. The " only way possible" for "white workers to fight against white supremacy" was "by repudiating their white-skin privileges." White workers might "have a 'world to win.' But-they have more to lose than their chains they have also to "lose" their white-skin privileges, the perquisites that separate them from the rest of the working class, that act as the material base for the split in the ranks of labor." Opinions expressed in these contributions don't necessarily reflect those of SW.Īn "opportunistic 'contract' resulted," according to Ignatin, "between the exploiters and a part of the exploited, at the expense of the rest of the exploited." White workers were co-conspirators with their bosses in depriving Blacks and people of the Third World of their rights. ![]() welcomes our readers' contributions to discussion and debate about articles we've published and questions facing the left. The terms.are these: you white workers help us conquer the world and enslave the non-white majority of the earth's laboring force, and we will repay you befitting your white skin. ruling class has made a deal with the mis-leaders of American labor, and through them with the masses of white workers. Two longtime members of the Provisional Organizing Committee, Noel Ignatin and Ted Allen, would become known for their 1967 pamphlet White Blindspot, presenting the arguments for white-skin privilege theory: These two views formed the political context in which white-skin privilege theory developed. The Provisional Organizing Committee's split was based on two fundamental policies: defense against all criticism of Stalin's anti-working-class oppression and establishment of a separate Black republic in the South as the answer to American racism. slavery, to analyze oppression began in one tiny section of the Stalinist left, the obscure Provisional Organizing Committee to Reconstitute the Marxist Leninist Party, a 1958 split-off from the Communist Party. ![]() The specific use of white-skin privilege concepts, which date back to U.S. The roots of privilege theory extend deep into the factional political atmosphere of early American Maoism. White-skin privilege theory would come to play a major role in the destruction of Students for a Democratic Society (SDS) by extreme sectarians. Only later, during the tragic crisis and disintegration of the New Left at the end of the '60s, were privilege politics able to gain a hearing-among white, middle-class students, most of whom had had no involvement in the civil rights novement. The privilege model was unable to find a foothold among the hundreds of thousands of anti-racists involved in the country's massive and often integrated struggles for freedom. Many of today's well-intentioned advocates are unaware of the theory's class roots-roots that continue to profoundly impact privilege politics today.Īt the height of the American civil rights movement, when theories of oppression might be expected to have some resonance, privilege politics were virtually unknown. THE PRIVILEGE model of oppression, often encountered in today's liberal and radical circles, has evolved since the 1960s. ![]()
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